Pew Research Center cited by Adam Taylor
2021 is a historic year for the development of the phenomenon known as Islamophobia. For the first time in world history, representatives from different countries met online to commemorate the ‘World Day to Combat Islamophobia’, which is observed every 15 March.
The event was attended by the President of the UN General Assembly, the UN Secretary-General, the OIC Secretary-General, and the UN high-level representative for the Alliance of Civilisations, as well as ministers and permanent representatives of UN members in New York.
In addition, for the first time in UN history, the special rapporteur on freedom of religion or belief delivered his report entitled ‘Countering Islamophobia/Anti-Muslim Hatred to Eliminate Discrimination and Intolerance Based on Religion and Belief’. Thus, these two important events have agreed and supported by acclamation, the word ‘Islamophobia’ to be used in official forums even though it is used interchangeably with the word ‘anti-Muslim hatred’.
UN and ECLJ on Islamophobia
However, the UN’s stance has been criticised. The European Centre for Law and Justice (ECLJ) in the article ‘Islam’s successful lobby at the UN’ (2021) argues that the word ‘Islamophobia’ is highly problematic. Firstly, it fails to provide a clear definition of ‘Islam’. In an analytical report entitled ‘l’islam, l’islamisme, et l’islamophobie en Europe’ (2010), the ECLJ distinguished between the concepts of ‘Islam’ (institutionalised religion) and ‘Islamism’ (Islamic political movement).
Secondly, the report should have followed human rights procedures. Therefore, the report is considered to go beyond its proper mandate. In this case, criticising a religion is part of the freedom of speech protected by law. Therefore, thirdly, the report could not distinguish between religion and race, as the law only protects people, not religions.
Exploring the meaning of Islamophobia : Local and Global Context
This debate leads to the question, why is Islamophobia so difficult to define objectively? Firstly, in the ‘local’ European context, as Glavanis P.M. (2013) points out in his paper ‘National and European Policies Against Islamophobia’, Islamophobia has long historical roots in European society.
No wonder, if we could already find this word in 1899 in the newspaper ‘La Politique Coloniale’. Bonhoure, a journalist at the newspaper, explained the different attitudes that emerged from the public regarding the journey of a religious leader named Sheikh Senoussi from Tripolitania.
Those who thought that the Sheikh was on a spiritual journey and carrying a mission from the Sultan were categorised as Islamophiles (seeing Islam more positively). However, those categorised as Islamophobes argued that the Sheikh’s journey was a symptom of the rise of Muslim fanaticism. It was not until 1910 that the word Islamophobia first became a term used in official historical records.
At least two writings can be found. First, in Maurice Delafoce’s historical account in his article entitled ‘l’état Actuel de l’islam dans l’Afrique Occidentale Française’ and, second, Alain Quellien’s article entitled ‘La Politique Musulmane dans l’Afrique Occidental Française’. In general, in both writings, the word Islamophobia refers to the approach taken by the French colonial government towards the people in its colonised countries.
At the time, Islamophobia was used as a balance between Islamic identity on the one hand, and Christian and French identity on the other. However, as Karima Lazali (2018) explains in her book ‘Le traume Colonial’, colonisation inherits the nature of the monarchical system. It has difficulty relinquishing its control, slowly taking power over the bodies, then the symbols (language), and the imaginations of those colonised (various myths and legends).
Therefore, for Edward Said (1978) in his book ‘Orientalism’, the Islamophobia that emerges today is an attempt by the colonisers to reinforce past hegemony. Islamophobia transforms the conflict arena from an open battlefield to a process of mental subjugation. It should be underlined that Islamophobia today is directly linked to ‘third-generation immigrants’, who have been European citizens since birth.
Secondly, in a global context, the word Islamophobia is intertwined with political issues. Thus, it becomes difficult to distinguish between religious and political issues. Pascal Bruckner (2017) in his book ‘Un Racisme Imaginaire’ argues that Islam, in the context of Islamophobia, is not only a ‘problem’, but also a ‘symptom le vieux monde’ (symptom of the ancient world), a world that is considered to be against ‘the spirit of Western enlightenment’, especially after 11 September.
Pierre-André Taguieff (2017) in his book ‘l’Islamisme et nous. Penser l’ennemi imprévu’ argues that the word Islamophobia, which semantically has a vague meaning, is misused. This misuse is generally done by Muslims who hold Islamist views such as Salafi-Wahabi (S-W), Muslim Brotherhood (MB), Hizb ut Tahrir (HT), Takfiri-Jihadists (T-J), and others. It is done against those who have a different Islamic understanding from them.
Islam and Islamism in Islamophobia
Moreover, it is perpetrated against those who disagree through intimidation and guilt-inducing accusations in the name of respecting religious freedom and anti-racist norms. They are seen as the sole representation of Islam, and the most perfect example of the religion. Taguieff argues that this is inspired by their totalitarian outlook. Islamists aim to establish an Islamic Empire, in the form of an Islamic republic or caliphate in a particular region, which can be expanded into a universal Islamic empire. According to Taguieff, Islam as an institutionalised religion (consisting of the main groups: Sunni and Shia) is not Islamism.
Nevertheless, Taguieff does not deny that Islamism is an integral part of Islam. This is because Islamism is considered to have principles that are at odds with the West, which values the principles of democracy, freedom and diversity. Taguieff criticises the view of Islamism that makes the Koran a ‘Mein Kampf’ or a tool for war, which is considered to be opposed to the tradition of critical analysis of religious ‘doctrine’, because its purpose is not intellectual or spiritual. Instead, the Koran is used as a justification to mobilise the masses against those who are different, driven by ‘the lust’ for power.
As a result, the majority of Muslims who disagree with Islamism are in a difficult state. They are caught between Islamism (IM, HT, S-W, T-J) and anti-Islam (Extreme Right, closed European societies) simultaneously. Even worse, the increasing use of the word Islamophobia in the 1980s to criticise Islamism has confused European society and Muslims in general. It was a mixture of criticism (of political Islam) and calls for hatred (from the far right and others).
It is understandable why Muslims in Europe are currently experiencing a difficult situation. They seem to represent an imaginary ‘enemy’ that is difficult to ascertain by making religious symbols that are considered markers of ‘Islamism’: headscarves, beards, mosque domes, Arabic language, Arabic names, halal labels, animal slaughter methods, and so on. Muslim communities in Europe are currently experiencing a difficult situation.
(This article has been published in Media Indonesia newspaper, Menyoal Islamofobia dan Peran Islam Wasatiah di Eropa (mediaindonesia.com)
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